Pandemi Sürecinde Devletin Geri Dönüşü: Fransa ve Türkiye Örnekleri

Bu çalışmada pandemi sürecinde devletin rolü ve işlevleri Fransa ve Türkiye örnekleri üzerinden karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmaktadır. Kovid-19 pandemisinin kamu sağlığı güvenliği açısından yarattığı aciliyet, şok ve kriz ortamı, kamusal otoritelerin önlem alma pratiklerini dönüştürürken her ülkenin, sınırlarını ve güvenlik politikalarını yeniden gözden geçirmesine yol açmıştır. 1980'lerden itibaren refah politikalarından rekabetçi politikalara geçiş, ulusal sınırların esnekleşip uluslararası sermayeye açılması;küreselleşme ve kozmopolitleşme yönünde güçlü bir irade olduğu sanısını yaratmıştır. Ancak pandeminin yarattığı koşullara verilen tepki bunun aksi yönde sonuç vermiştir: Korumacı ekonomi politikalarının, gelir dağıtıcı yaklaşımının yanı sıra ulusal sınırların ve milliyetçi reflekslerin yükselişine şahit olunmuştur. Bu çalışmada bu gelişmelerin pandemi dönemi ile sınırlı ve geçici bir refleks olmayıp post-pandemik toplumsal koşullarda da süreceği iddia edilmekte ve bu süreci anlamak için devletin dönüşümü üzerinden bir okuma önerilmektedir. Çalışmada, hukuki bilgi ve belgelerin yanı sıra aktörlerin açıklamaları ve basına yansıyan haberler incelenmekte ve bahsi geçen dönüşümün sebepleri, mahiyeti ve olası sonuçları betimleyici ve yorumlayıcı yöntemle ele alınmaktadır.Alternate :In this study, the role and functions of the state in the pandemic process are discussed comparatively through the examples of France and Turkey. The urgency, shock, and crisis environment created by the Covid-19 pandemic in terms of public health security have led each country to reconsider its borders and security policies while transforming the precautionary practices of public authorities. Since the 1980s, it has been assumed that there was a strong will for the transition from welfare policies to competitive policies and the flexibility of national borders for strengthening globalization and cosmopolitanism. However, the reaction to the conditions created by the pandemic resulted in the opposite direction: The rise of national borders and nationalist reflexes, as well as the protectionist economic policies and income distribution approach, were witnessed. In this study, it is claimed that these developments will not be a temporary reflex limited to the pandemic period but will continue in post-pandemic social conditions. In addition, it will be suggested that an analysis of the transformation of the state in a historical process is crucial to understand this process. In addition to the legal information and documents, the explanations of the actors and the news will be examined, and the reasons, nature, and possible consequences of the transformation will be discussed with a descriptive and interpretive method.

"To honour cleanness and shame filth”: medical facemasks as the narrative of nationalism and modernity in China

As the Covid-19 pandemic has swept across the world, the wearing of medical facemasks has become a hot topic on social media. In China, the relevant discourses are entangled with codes of medical science, national self-esteem and appropriated modernity. These discourses can be dated back to the narrative established by Dr Wu Lien-teh, the great fighter in the Manchurian plagues of 1910–1911 and 1920–1921. This paper reveals that Wu and his colleagues used different strategies when displaying to the Western world their achievements in the anti-plague battle and when proving the effectiveness of the Western medical and hygienic system to Chinese people. Wu and his colleagues used metonymies, analogues and metaphors on or related to medical facemasks to illustrate the possibility of building a modernised nation with sovereignty. Because the construction of a sanitary system in China has always been labelled as a patriotic movement (Rogaski, Ruth. 2004. Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 285–298), the wearing of medical facemasks has constituted an important part of the narrative of nationalism and hygienic modernity. This discourse continues to play a significant role in today's campaign against the coronavirus.

"virus jihad": The (mis)representation of muslims during covid 19 outbreak in indian media

This study examined the media representations of Muslims during the first wave of Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic in India. The study conducted a thematic discourse analysis on TV debates in the aftermath of an Islamic congregation in Delhi whose attendees were tested positive with COVID-19 infection. The study found an overall negative representation of Muslims in the mainstream media which corroborates previous studies, albeit, in different contexts. Three key themes that emerged from media narratives were representing Muslims as: (i) carriers of the virus bomb (ii) 'super spreaders' and (iii) the uncivilized 'Other' with irreconcilable differences. These findings were situated in the wider (re)emerging field of Hindu nationalism to argue that the unsympathetic representation of Muslims in the media reflected their support for the ethno-nationalist ideology of the current ruling dispensation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

Reading Chinese anti-COVID-19 pandemic narratives on facemasks as the art of disaster governance: a semiotic and biopolitical survey

In China and around the world, the global spread of COVID-19 has made wearing a facemask more than a pragmatic or aesthetic individual-level issue: it has instilled in people deontic value. In Chinese anti-epidemic narratives, the semiotic ideology of wearing a facemask has been closely related to collectivism, patriotism and, to a certain degree, nationalism. The facemask not only serves as a protective biomedical device but also as a cultural, political and spatial sign of the line of defence against disorders of the natural system, to establish the order of the social system. This paper argues from the perspective of semiotics and life politics that such mask narratives have effectively helped China prevent the large-scale spread of the epidemic across the nation and have served as a means of collective psychotherapy, paradoxically transforming individual separation into collective spiritual cohesion. Previous semiotic studies of disaster have not paid much attention to plagues or disaster governance discourse, between which biomedicine plays an important role. Thus, this paper aims to shed light on how biomedicine works with politics in coding and decoding the relationship between the natural system of the plague and the social system of governance.

Paranormal Beliefs, Vaccine Confidence, and COVID-19 Vaccine Uptake

Conservative religious ideologies have been linked to vaccine hesitancy. Yet, little is known about how paranormal beliefs relate to vaccine confidence and uptake. We hypothesize that paranormal beliefs will be negatively related to both confidence and uptake due to their association with lower levels of trust in science and a greater acceptance of conspiratorial beliefs. We test this hypothesis using a new nationally representative sample of U.S. adults fielded in May and June of 2021 by NORC. Using regression models with a sample of 1,734, we find that paranormal beliefs are negatively associated with general vaccine confidence, COVID-19 vaccine confidence, and COVID-19 vaccine uptake. These associations are partially or fully attenuated net of trust in science and conspiratorial belief. Although not a focus of the study, we also find that Christian nationalism's negative association with the outcomes is fully accounted for by measures of trust in science and conspiratorial beliefs. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Sociology of Religion is the property of Oxford University Press / USA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

The Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games and the performativity of sport nationalism: Taiwanese identity and online mobilization

This essay examines how Taiwanese national identity was performed on social media during the postponed Tokyo Olympics 2020. Taiwan achieved its best-ever medal tally, leading to the emergence of a new form of sport nationalism. Athletes' off-field behaviors, including diverse gender expressions, distinguished them not only from their Chinese counterparts but also from previous generations of Taiwanese athletes. Badminton, weightlifting, and table tennis athletes became the "proxy warriors” of Taiwan, showcasing the democratic and diverse nature of Taiwanese society. The Tokyo Olympics, amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and geopolitical tensions, became a battleground for ideologies, with the complex relationships among Taiwan, China, and Japan setting the backdrop for narratives. To depart from traditional research on official national discourses, this essay employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) by examining Facebook content and comments on news reports related to Taiwanese Olympians. This essays argues that Taiwan's cyber civil society has developed a flexible strategy to counter China's aggression on the internet. Taiwanese online mobilization demonstrated self-control, creativity, and adaptability, establishing a unique Taiwanese identity during the Tokyo Olympics in the midst of the pandemic. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of National Identities is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Living in a Democracy as a Fallen People: A REVIEW ESSAY

Rather, it would be more correct to say that Donald Trump found a ready audience for nationalism and postliberal thinking in the United States and rode a seemingly unlikely wave into the White House by semi-miraculously navigating the twists and turns of the Electoral College. COVID-19, of course, has proved to be a breeding ground of predominantly right-wing conspiracy theories, including regarding vaccines even though they were the result of a Trump-led program. [...]he made an argument that Vice President Mike Pence would be able to refuse to certify the election results. Tocqueville approached democracy as a young aristocrat from a family that had suffered in the French Revolution.

Normal Island: COVID-19, Border Control, and Viral Nationalism in UK Public Health Discourse.

In this contribution, I present emergent analysis of a preoccupation with managing COVID-19 through border control, among non-Governmental public health actors and commentators. Through a reading of statements, tweets, and interviews from the 'Independent Sage' group - individually and collectively - I show how the language of border control, and of maintaining immunity within the national boundaries of the UK, has been a notable theme in the group's analysis. To theorize this emphasis, I draw comparison with the phenomenon of 'green nationalism', in which the urgency of climate action has been turned to overtly nationalistic ends; I sketch the outlines of what I call 'viral nationalism,' a political ecology that understands the pandemic as an event occurring differentially between nation states, and thus sees pandemic management as, inter alia, a work of involuntary detention at securitized borders. I conclude with some general remarks on the relationship between public health, immunity, and national feeling in the UK.

Nationalism in Education: Redesigning the Effectiveness of Thematic E-Books in Virtual Learning to Grow Student Nationalism in Indonesia

Concerns about nationalism among students have been raised in the Indonesian curriculum. On the contrary, Covid-19 brings a lot of challenges to educational institutions to reform nationalism at school. As a result, the thematic nationalism curriculum, which is dependent on in-person classes, should be adapted to virtual learning processes. This study attempted to examine the effectiveness of e-books in promoting nationalist values during virtual learning. It employed a quasi-experimental design. All subjects were split into two groups: experimental and control. The Study revealed that e-book usage promotes a higher result in students understanding of nationalist values. Besides, the e-book also assists students to improve their understanding through engaging and accessible reading. Furthermore, virtual learning by e-books or hardcopy books, cannot promote respect for cultural diversity since it needs more practice and learning process. On the other hand, e-book usage follows the need to reform online learning methods during the pandemic Furthermore, the e-book helps students improve their comprehension through engaging and accessible reading. © 2023, Auricle Global Society of Education and Research. All rights reserved.

Domestic sources of China's wolf-warrior diplomacy: individual incentive, institutional changes and diversionary strategies

Many China observers have commented that Beijing is harsh and assertive on diplomatic occasions. By publicizing the nationalistic rhetoric and moves in internal propaganda, the PRC aims to please domestic audiences. This article examines China's practices of 'wolf-warrior diplomacy', explicates the rationale behind it, and provides three plausible explanations. Firstly, the individualist explanation highlights the personal motives of 'wolf-warrior' diplomats. However, wolf-warrior diplomacy is not the common practice of Chinese diplomats, as most Chinese diplomats, unlike these wolf-warriors, remain conservative, taking an orthodox approach to their duties. Secondly, the institutional explanation presents a potential conflict between propaganda and diplomacy agencies in conducting waixuan (external propaganda, overseas-targeted propaganda: (sic)(sic)). I elaborate on how the changing working doctrines of waixuan have encouraged wolf-warrior diplomacy. Finally, the strategic explanation highlights how Beijing diverts the popular attention away from its domestic issues and towards 'external threats' and rallies popular support at home by 'talking tough' and 'blaming others'. The diversionary use of assertive diplomacy also allows Beijing to avoid publicizing its policy failures, buy more time and room for manoeuvre, and plan tactical reforms while preserving its fundamental political system. I also argue that the wolf-warrior diplomacy is more of ad hoc response to perceived geopolitical risk in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic than a well-crafted strategy.

Guest Editors' Preface

In moments of crisis that test the stability of US nationalism—the civil war, the expansion of American empire, World Wars I & II, the civil rights era, the post-industrial era, 9/11, COVID—a pattern of violence against Asian Americans seems to make an appearance. Nearly a third of the nurses who have died of coronavirus in the United States are Filipino, even though Filipino nurses make up just 4% of the nursing population nationwide.2 Over 1.2 million Asian Americans labor in food-related industries nationwide—at farms, food processing factories, grocery stores, and restaurants—and are placed at higher risk of infection and mortality.3 In the spring of 2021, in the span of two months, lone white gunmen murdered Asian Americans in Atlanta, Indianapolis, and San Jose (all of the victims were essential service workers). In presenting the data, Wong and Liu invite us to consider how anti-Black tropes and invocations of a persistent "Black-Asian conflict" diverted attention away from the role of white supremacy in fomenting an anti-Asian climate. The new White House immediately promised to "Build Back Better" with a sweeping plan to restore domestic stability and the nation's reputation abroad;implied was the beating back of Trumpian revanchism.

Introduction: Theorizing the psychology of deglobalization

The unprecedented pace and scope of globalization over the past half century have had major impacts on the field of psychology. We observe that since the 2008 financial crisis, there have been increased academic and political concerns with "deglobalization,” which is often associated with terrorism, xenophobia, authoritarianism, Brexit, the US–China trade war, the Russian war on Ukraine, and the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue that the phenomenon of deglobalization is historically uncertain but intellectually and politically significant enough to warrant analysis. Thus, in this special issue, we begin to theorize the psychology of deglobalization by addressing several foundational issues: the major manifestations of deglobalization in relation to psychosocial life, the dialectical relations between globalization and deglobalization, and possible ways to respond to the challenges of deglobalization. In the meantime, we flesh out these theoretical perspectives using the cases of nationalism, neoliberalism, White supremacy, far-right politics, dehumanization, isolationism, and trade conflicts.

THE USE OF METAPHOR IN DEFINING THE PANDEMIC PHENOMENON

Although pandemics are perceived as scientific and technical problems, their multi-layered political implications trigger an ideologyladen debate. In this paper, we argue that in the face of the upheavals caused by Covid-19, a considerable part of the political and media systems has used narratives rooted in neo-nationalist and neo-liberal ideologies. On the one hand, neo-nationalism is visible through the portrayal of stereotypical « others » in mainstream media. On the other hand, the health emergency has tested and will continue to test institutions and their ability to find and implement solutions that minimise harm without restricting individual freedoms. Those entrusted with the institutional and political responsibility to inform the public once again communicated on the event using the primal rhetorical figures. First in China, then in Italy and Europe, and finally throughout the world, politicians, journalists, doctors, economists and opinion leaders have defined the health emergency as "war". The metaphor of war has been used and abused from the beginning, and the first and most vocal disseminators of the term « war » and its associated concepts have been politicians. This paper proposes an extension of the concept of Orientalism as a possible key to understanding the construction of stereotypical representations of Covid-19 as the 'enemy' and the pandemic as 'war' during the lockdown. Furthermore, it is argued that political positions and conflicts over pandemic measures are not random and nor do they depend on the idiosyncrasy of individuals. Rather, they represent certain material interests and socio-cultural and ideological backgrounds.

Editorial Introduction: Special Issue: Time, Urgency, and Collaboration in the Corporate University

Elite universities saw huge gains on their endowments while community colleges are struggling to survive4 and lipservice to "diversity" does not translate into job security.5 We began this work with the conviction that transnational, intersectional collaborative strategies are urgently needed in response to the global rise of neo-nationalism within a persistent system of neoliberal racial capitalism: violence, poverty and displacement are escalating while wealth disparities continue to increase. Productivity translates into numbers and speed, resources are distributed based on seemingly neutral algorithms, while teaching and scholarship are assessed in terms of numerically measurable outcomes. [...]while right wing movements frame academia as a hub of subversive, radical thinking and activism, innovation and collaboration in the service of transformation often face institutional obstacles. The emphasis in the essays in this volume is not just on identifying injustice and violence but on creating paths for alternatives to emerge, to, with cover artist Althea Murphy-Price, position anew, create new spaces and paces, new materials, notions of beauty, and forms of resistance, to build communities and collaborations that will "imagine otherwise" (Sharpe 2006, 115)7 and make different collaborations and worlds possible. On Our Cover Art Althea Murphy-Price received her B.A. in Fine Art from Spelman College before completing her Master of Arts in Printmaking and Painting at Purdue University and her Master of Fine Arts at Tyler School of Art, Temple University.

Pandemic and nationalism: from Asian morbid cholera to Chinese virus. History of the contexts of the covid-19 pandemic

From a historical, sociological, and political science perspective, and inspired by the paradigm of historical materialism, this article proposes an approach to the different contexts that circumscribe the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic through two types of sources: on the one hand, the bibliography, of a historiographical, sociological and epidemiological nature, in which the collection of articles published in 2020 by Rob Wallace, under the title Big farms, big flus, stands out. Agro-industries and infectious diseases, and on the other hand, the primary sources, that is, the work of analysis of the press, especially El Pais or El Mundo, the Resolutions and communications of the WHO, as well as other diverse documents, located on the internet. This macro-schematic approach defines our starting point: a reflection on questions such as:What has happened to us? What is happening to us? How can international relations be interpreted? What value does the nationalist shift occupy at the moment? And even, why have we suffered a pandemic with dramatic consequences? With this in mind, the article proposes five objectives: to analyze the epidemic structure of contemporary times, to observe the analogies between cholera morbo, influenza and Covid-19, to describe the founding process of the WHO, the role of China and the transformations of the new world order, and finally, to interpret the Chinese virus, from the context of the rebirth of nationalisms and to relate this interpretation to the Covid-19 pandemic. To develop these objectives, we propose a diachronic analysis of the different social constructions around pandemics from 1832 to 2020, likewise, we also intend to establish analogies between the different pandemics and the international relations that developed over three moments: he Asian morbid cholera (1817-34), the Spanish flu (1918-20) and Covid-19 (2020-22). In short, we will define the epidemic structure of contemporaneity. Next, as the central thesis of the work, we propose an approach to the consequences of the Livestock Revolution and climate change due to anthropogenic causes, and its relationship with human health to lead to a possible connection with the Covid-19 pandemic. This thesis needs a historical analysis in which different conditions that develop since 1970, during the third Industrial Revolution, are established. After the demographic explosion of the 1970s, during which time industrial livestock farming has been dominant in the United States, the production model soon spread to Latin America, Asia and Europe in such a way that a gradual relocation is set in motion that will accelerate during the 1990s. That is, when Eastern Europe (just like Asia or Latin America) joins the international market and offers attractive deregulation scenarios for international food industries. For this we mainly use the hypotheses of Rob Wallace and K. Shortridge: it is essential to take into account relocation tactics, industrial strategies related to the mass production of poultry meat, and the appearance of new epidemic outbreaks that affect the population since at least 1997-as well as the origin of typical pneumonia, known as SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) and its relationship with the coronavirus. In addition, the study of this specific context (1970-2020) allows us to understand five vital aspects to interpret the emergence of Covid-19: the decisive role of China and its policies of opening up to the market economy between 1980 and 1985, which accounted for more than one billion new consumers. In the face of this explosion in the demand for food and raw materials, millions of hectares are cleared to establish crop fields, and a large part of the planet's ecosystems are destroyed. That is why ecological arguments become one of the new contradictions in the North-South dialectic;the process of collapse of the Soviet Union supposes the rebirth of nationalisms in Europe. From 1990 to 2007, nationalisms are consolidated, grow and evolve towards populist content, useful for the different governments during the financial crisis;the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1993 between Canada, the United States and Mexico will imply the practical disappearance of the traditional model of small or medium farms in the United States and Mexico, to the benefit of vertical operations of millions of pigs and poultry. In 1998, the first outbreak of swine flu was declared in North Carolina and, later, in Veracruz;the consolidation of neoliberal economic policies (Hayek-Friedman), which support globalization and reconstruction of the new world order;and lastly, the evolution of the functions of the WHO (World Health Organization) since its foundation in 1948. This was oriented towards the cooperation and development of great health campaigns in the third world and as a factor of North-South balance until the shift presented by the secretary General Halfdan T. Mahler, who would define the goal of health for all by the year 2000. From this chronological and plot line, we lead to the financial crisis of 2007 to find the specific context in which the pandemic is declared in March 2020. On the other hand, this article deals with the effects that the outbreak and unexpected spread of a new virus has produced in the forms of (official) political communication of ethnocentric and nationalist content. These speeches raised xenophobic markings based on the rapid growth in morbidity and mortality statistics due to the new virus. So the concept of the Chinese virus, a social construction launched by Donald Trump, has configured a biased vision, successful until now, for the benefit of the West. Faced with a global problem with dramatic consequences, the response of governments will take the form of populist tactics whose objective will be the exoneration of their political, economic, social and health responsibilities. Given this situation, it will have to be the WHO that considers it essential to establish scientific criteria to refer to the mutations of the virus in order to end political stigmatization. The WHO will take the lead in naming information-neutral and information -friendly variants of interest (VOI) and variants of concern (VOC), renamed with letters of the Greek alphabet. In short, it is convenient to take into account the populist response of the different governments (United States, Brazil, France or Germany) centered on collective emotions typical of a language of war.

Testing the National Identity Argument in a Time of Crisis - Evidence from Israel

This article explores the national identity argument in unsettled times by using the COVID-19 pandemic as a test case. It uses a longitudinal survey among Jewish Israelis to examine whether the pandemic influenced levels of national identity and solidarity and whether it altered their relationship. The findings indicate a clear reduction in levels of solidarity, national attachment, and national chauvinism over time. They also show that the positive connection between national attachment and solidarity grew stronger, while the connection between national chauvinism and solidarity became weaker and insignificant. These findings provide complex evidence for the national identity argument.

Corona-Jihad Memes: The Shifting Iconology of Islamophobia from Hindu Nationalists

This article analyses the visual rhetoric of anti-Muslim imagery in the memetic internet cultures generated by Indian users, as well as the transnational iconology of terror that the Muslim male body is made to embody. The core problem the article addresses is located at the intersection of three crucial contemporary challenges: the global pandemic, rising global anti-Muslim ideology, and the role of socially mediated popular political imagery. Here, I look at corona-jihad memes - a subset of anti-Muslim popular imagery made viral through social media. These images illustrated the fake news spread globally, connecting Indian Muslims with the pandemic. Here, I show the strategies of representation used by Hindu nationalist users to create an iconology - or a mode of recognition - for the Muslim male as the threatening and dehumanised other, through a process of mimicry, counter-influence, translation, and flow in a rich intermedial world of transnational imagery.

Decolonising vaccine production: Unpacking Ghanaians' support for made-in-Africa vaccines.

Localisation of vaccine production is essential worldwide, but it is particularly crucial for Africa. This continent is more vulnerable to disease burdens and also lags behind other continents regarding access to vaccines. Moreover, many people in Africa have a long-standing apathy towards locally made products and services. This mindset raises the question of whether Africans will support African-made vaccines and what the associated reasons are. Guided by the theories of nationalism and import substitution industrialisation, we formulated and tested eight hypotheses. To answer these, we analysed survey data from 6,731 residents backed by key informant interviews in Ghana. Our findings identified three types of local vaccine consumers: Afrocentric-ethnocentrics, Apathetic-Afrocentrics and Afrocentric-Fence Sitters. Four out of the eight hypothesised factors explain why some individuals have a positive attitude towards locally made vaccines, compared to those who are unsure of their stance. The proposed typology of local vaccine consumers and their defining characteristics can help design public health campaigns to mobilize support for locally produced vaccines.

Addressing anti-semitism in social work education

Antisemitism, one of the oldest forms of prejudice and oppression is surging throughout the world. It ranges from verbal abuse to the destruction of property to murder. In the last two years, attacks against Jews in the United States were the overwhelming target of religion-based hate crimes. Stereotypes and myths continue to fuel prejudice and antisemitism in society. Factors such as anti-Israel sentiments, remarks by persons in power, the use of social media, white nationalism, and even the Covid 19 pandemic have contributed to its escalation.As a result of the increasing violence, the U.S. legislature held a hearing on confronting antisemitic terrorism with one outcome being that social workers and community advocates were needed to join law enforcement in the effort to heal and work for justice. Social work with its mandate to promote social justice and human rights and challenge oppression cannot ignore antisemitism and its impact on individuals and societies. However, the subject is basically ignored in the curriculum. This paper offers a brief history of antisemitism and presents guidelines and models for integrating it into social work programs.

The politics of civil society narratives in contestation between liberalism and nationalism in authoritarian Vietnam

The liberal-dominated civil society theory tends to obscure the dynamics and intricacy of state-society relations in authoritarian contexts. Existing accounts on Vietnam have not cast adequate light onto the struggles of ideology and positions between the state and civil society. Drawing on the most recent data from social media in Vietnam, the article contributes a new analytical approach to understanding state-society relations by offering granular insights into the contrasting but mutually reinforcing narratives adopted by the state and civil society actors. In particular, the article steers attention towards the opportunities that crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic have provided for ideological struggles and legitimacy building between these actors. The paper argues that rather than continuously pushing forward the rhetoric 'civic space is shrinking', these alternatives must be steeped within wider historical understanding, attuned to particularities of the social-political context, and ultimately reflective of the evolving intricate state-society relations. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Contemporary Politics is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)